What Is Christian Nationalism?
Christian nationalism is the belief that the United States was founded as a Christian nation and that the government should keep it that way, giving Christianity a favored place in law, schools, and public life. It rests on a religious form of American exceptionalism: the claim that God set this country apart for a purpose, and that its laws should say so.
Christian nationalism is a political movement, not a church or a denomination. It uses Christian language and identity to win government power. Sociologists Andrew Whitehead and Samuel Perry set the standard definition in Taking America Back for God. They call it a cultural framework that blurs the line between Christian identity and American identity.
Key facts
- 32% of Americans support Christian nationalism. Twice as many reject it (PRRI 2025, n=22,111).
- Support runs from 54% in Arkansas to 15% in Massachusetts. Geography shapes it more than anything else.
- 38% of Adherents say patriots may have to use violence (PRRI 2025).
- Alliance Defending Freedom has won 15 Supreme Court cases on $119.8M a year.
- Project Blitz wrote 20 model bills. States introduced 300+ and passed 80+.
Its roots go back decades, but the political machinery grew fast after 2010. Katherine Stewart mapped that network in The Power Worshippers (2020), calling it a political ideology rather than a religious creed.
The 32% figure is the one most often quoted, and on its own it misleads. PRRI sorts Americans into four groups, and the two that reject Christian nationalism outnumber the two that support it, two to one.
- Adherents (11%) Consistently agree the U.S. should be a Christian nation
- Sympathizers (21%) Lean toward it, but do not back every policy
- Skeptics (37%) Lean against it
- Rejecters (27%) Consistently disagree
- Did not answer (4%)
Source: PRRI 2025 American Values Atlas (n=22,111).
Support Runs From 54% in Arkansas to 15% in Massachusetts
The national average hides the thing that matters most to your daily life. In Arkansas, 54% of residents support Christian nationalism. In Massachusetts, 15% do. A Ten Commandments bill that dies in committee in one state passes in another, because the voters and the legislators are not the same.
Sources: PRRI 2025 American Values Atlas. Verified July 29, 2026.
| State | Support | Adherents | Sympathizers |
|---|---|---|---|
| Arkansas | 54% | 22% | 32% |
| Mississippi | 52% | 24% | 28% |
| West Virginia | 51% | 15% | 36% |
| Oklahoma | 49% | 25% | 24% |
| Wyoming | 46% | 21% | 25% |
| Louisiana | 44% | 20% | 24% |
| Missouri | 44% | 14% | 30% |
| Alaska | 42% | 13% | 29% |
| Georgia | 42% | 16% | 26% |
| North Dakota | 42% | 16% | 26% |
| South Dakota | 42% | 15% | 27% |
| Alabama | 41% | 15% | 26% |
| Montana | 41% | 13% | 28% |
| South Carolina | 41% | 16% | 25% |
| Idaho | 39% | 14% | 25% |
| Delaware | 38% | 16% | 22% |
| Nebraska | 38% | 11% | 27% |
| Texas | 38% | 14% | 24% |
| Florida | 37% | 13% | 24% |
| Kansas | 37% | 11% | 26% |
| Kentucky | 37% | 12% | 25% |
| Indiana | 37% | 12% | 25% |
| North Carolina | 36% | 13% | 23% |
| Tennessee | 36% | 14% | 22% |
| Ohio | 35% | 12% | 23% |
| District of Columbia | 34% | 15% | 19% |
| Pennsylvania | 34% | 11% | 23% |
| Michigan | 33% | 10% | 23% |
| Iowa | 32% | 12% | 20% |
| Wisconsin | 32% | 10% | 22% |
| Utah | 31% | 9% | 22% |
| Arizona | 30% | 10% | 20% |
| Maryland | 30% | 9% | 21% |
| New Mexico | 30% | 13% | 17% |
| Vermont | 30% | 10% | 20% |
| Virginia | 30% | 7% | 23% |
| Colorado | 29% | 7% | 22% |
| Hawaii | 29% | 9% | 20% |
| Maine | 28% | 8% | 20% |
| Minnesota | 28% | 8% | 20% |
| Connecticut | 27% | 9% | 18% |
| Illinois | 27% | 9% | 18% |
| New Hampshire | 27% | 7% | 20% |
| Rhode Island | 27% | 6% | 21% |
| Nevada | 25% | 6% | 19% |
| Oregon | 25% | 9% | 16% |
| California | 22% | 7% | 15% |
| New Jersey | 22% | 6% | 16% |
| New York | 21% | 5% | 16% |
| Washington | 18% | 3% | 15% |
| Massachusetts | 15% | 4% | 11% |
The map matches the political map, and PRRI measured how closely. The share of Republicans in a state legislature and the state’s level of Christian nationalism support track each other at a correlation of 0.75, which is strong for public opinion data. That is the practical reason the model bills described below succeed in some capitols and stall in others.
| Arkansas | 54% | 22% | 32% | Far above |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Mississippi | 52% | 24% | 28% | Far above |
| West Virginia | 51% | 15% | 36% | Far above |
| Oklahoma | 49% | 25% | 24% | Far above |
| Wyoming | 46% | 21% | 25% | Far above |
| Louisiana | 44% | 20% | 24% | Above |
| Missouri | 44% | 14% | 30% | Above |
| Alaska | 42% | 13% | 29% | Above |
| Georgia | 42% | 16% | 26% | Above |
| North Dakota | 42% | 16% | 26% | Above |
| South Dakota | 42% | 15% | 27% | Above |
| Alabama | 41% | 15% | 26% | Above |
| Montana | 41% | 13% | 28% | Above |
| South Carolina | 41% | 16% | 25% | Above |
| Idaho | 39% | 14% | 25% | Above |
| Delaware | 38% | 16% | 22% | Above |
| Nebraska | 38% | 11% | 27% | Above |
| Texas | 38% | 14% | 24% | Above |
| Florida | 37% | 13% | 24% | Near average |
| Kansas | 37% | 11% | 26% | Near average |
| Kentucky | 37% | 12% | 25% | Near average |
| Indiana | 37% | 12% | 25% | Near average |
| North Carolina | 36% | 13% | 23% | Near average |
| Tennessee | 36% | 14% | 22% | Near average |
| Ohio | 35% | 12% | 23% | Near average |
| District of Columbia | 34% | 15% | 19% | Near average |
| Pennsylvania | 34% | 11% | 23% | Near average |
| Michigan | 33% | 10% | 23% | Near average |
| Iowa | 32% | 12% | 20% | Near average |
| Wisconsin | 32% | 10% | 22% | Near average |
| Utah | 31% | 9% | 22% | Near average |
| Arizona | 30% | 10% | 20% | Near average |
| Maryland | 30% | 9% | 21% | Near average |
| New Mexico | 30% | 13% | 17% | Near average |
| Vermont | 30% | 10% | 20% | Near average |
| Virginia | 30% | 7% | 23% | Near average |
| Colorado | 29% | 7% | 22% | Below |
| Hawaii | 29% | 9% | 20% | Below |
| Maine | 28% | 8% | 20% | Below |
| Minnesota | 28% | 8% | 20% | Below |
| Connecticut | 27% | 9% | 18% | Below |
| Illinois | 27% | 9% | 18% | Below |
| New Hampshire | 27% | 7% | 20% | Below |
| Rhode Island | 27% | 6% | 21% | Below |
| Nevada | 25% | 6% | 19% | Below |
| Oregon | 25% | 9% | 16% | Below |
| California | 22% | 7% | 15% | Below |
| New Jersey | 22% | 6% | 16% | Below |
| New York | 21% | 5% | 16% | Below |
| Washington | 18% | 3% | 15% | Below |
| Massachusetts | 15% | 4% | 11% | Below |
No states match. Clear the search or filter to see all 51.
Sources: PRRI 2025 American Values Atlas. Verified July 29, 2026.
The Seven Mountain Mandate
The theological engine of the movement is a framework called the Seven Mountain Mandate. It teaches that Christians have a divine obligation to take control of seven areas of society. Bill Bright and Loren Cunningham developed the framework at a 1975 meeting. Both founded major evangelical organizations: Campus Crusade for Christ and Youth With A Mission.
66% of Christian nationalism Adherents agree that God has called Christians to exercise dominion over all areas of society. The mandate is the reason the movement does not stop at church attendance or personal faith. It requires political power.
The Seven Mountain Mandate and its policy outcomes
| Mountain | The claim | Policy example |
|---|---|---|
| Government | Christians must hold political office and shape law | Religious Liberty Commission chaired by Dan Patrick |
| Education | Public schools must teach Christian values | Ten Commandments displays in TX and LA classrooms |
| Media | Christian voices must dominate public discourse | EO 14202 directing agencies to fight "anti-Christian bias" |
| Arts & Entertainment | Culture must reflect Christian morality | Book bans targeting LGBTQ and sexual content (6,870 in 2024-25) |
| Business | The marketplace must serve Christian principles | 303 Creative: right to refuse LGBTQ customers (SCOTUS 2023) |
| Family | A patriarchy of male headship must be the legal norm | 850+ anti-LGBTQ bills filed in 2025, many citing family values |
| Religion | Christianity holds special status among faiths | Pentagon monthly prayer services since May 2025 |
The mandate did not stay in church basements. It became an organizing principle for legal strategy, model legislation, and judicial appointments.
Why Scholars Call It White Christian Nationalism
Most researchers who study the movement do not call it Christian nationalism. They call it white Christian nationalism, and the extra word is doing real work.
The survey data is the plainest evidence. 67% of white evangelical Protestants support Christian nationalism, more than any other religious group. White Christians overall (46%) support it at a higher rate than Christians of color (39%). The gap widens with devotion: white Americans who attend services, pray, and read scripture often are more likely to hold these views, while Black and Hispanic Americans who do the same things are less likely.
That last finding is the one to sit with. The same religious practices push white and Black Christians in opposite political directions. Whatever is driving the ideology, it is not the practice of the Christian faith itself.
Hispanic Protestants (54%) are the second group where a majority hold these beliefs, which is why “white” describes the movement’s center of gravity rather than the whole of it.
Philip Gorski and Samuel Perry, who wrote The Flag and the Cross, argue the ideology tells a story about who the country belongs to. In that story the nation was founded by and for a particular people, and its decline is the fault of outsiders. Sociologist Bart Bonikowski describes the movement as nostalgic and exclusionary, casting the country as something to be taken back by its rightful owners.
Naming the racial pattern is not the same as calling supporters racist. It is a finding about which Americans a political story was built to flatter, and it explains why the movement’s policy agenda so often lands on immigrants, Muslims, and Jews.
From the Moral Majority to January 6
The arc runs half a century. Rushdoony laid the theology in 1973. Falwell built the first mass organization in 1979, and Reagan courted it openly in 1980. Robertson took it door to door in 1989. The Tea Party carried it into statehouses in 2010. Trump won 81% of white evangelicals in 2016. Rioters prayed inside the Capitol on January 6, 2021. Heritage published Project 2025 three years later.
- Rushdoony publishes dominionist blueprint Institutes of Biblical Law argues Old Testament should govern civil society
- Falwell founds the Moral Majority First mass political organizing of white evangelicals
- Reagan addresses Religious Roundtable "I know you can't endorse me, but I endorse you." Wins 67% of white evangelicals
- Robertson founds Christian Coalition Builds precinct-level organizing in all 50 states after losing 1988 primary
- Bush creates Office of Faith-Based Initiatives Federal funding begins flowing to religious organizations
- Tea Party wave elects 87 new House members Economic populism merges with cultural conservatism at state level
- Trump wins 81% of white evangelical vote Lance Wallnau calls Trump a "wrecking ball to the spirit of political correctness"
- Crosses and prayer at the Capitol on January 6 Rioters carried Christian flags, sang hymns, prayed inside the Senate chamber
- Heritage Foundation publishes Project 2025 900-page blueprint with 140+ authors, multiple Christian nationalist policy goals
- EO "Eradicating Anti-Christian Bias" signed Executive branch directs all agencies to address alleged anti-Christian discrimination
: 1973 — Rushdoony publishes dominionist blueprint (Institutes of Biblical Law argues Old Testament should govern civil society). 1979 — Falwell founds the Moral Majority (First mass political organizing of white evangelicals). 1980 — Reagan addresses Religious Roundtable ("I know you can't endorse me, but I endorse you." Wins 67% of white evangelicals). 1989 — Robertson founds Christian Coalition (Builds precinct-level organizing in all 50 states after losing 1988 primary). 2001 — Bush creates Office of Faith-Based Initiatives (Federal funding begins flowing to religious organizations). 2010 — Tea Party wave elects 87 new House members (Economic populism merges with cultural conservatism at state level). 2016 — Trump wins 81% of white evangelical vote (Lance Wallnau calls Trump a "wrecking ball to the spirit of political correctness"). 2021 — Crosses and prayer at the Capitol on January 6 (Rioters carried Christian flags, sang hymns, prayed inside the Senate chamber). 2024 — Heritage Foundation publishes Project 2025 (900-page blueprint with 140+ authors, multiple Christian nationalist policy goals). 2025 — EO "Eradicating Anti-Christian Bias" signed (Executive branch directs all agencies to address alleged anti-Christian discrimination).
1973: R.J. Rushdoony published Institutes of Biblical Law, arguing that Old Testament law should govern modern civil society. He called this theonomy, meaning rule by divine law, and the book became the foundation of Christian Reconstructionism and dominion theology. Almost no one in the movement uses the word today, but the goal of a Christian state governed by biblical law traces back to it.
1979: Jerry Falwell founded the Moral Majority with direct encouragement from conservative political operatives Paul Weyrich and Richard Viguerie. It registered an estimated 2 million new voters before its first election cycle. This is the era that gave the Christian right its name, and its leaders spoke openly of restoring a lost Christendom.
1980: Ronald Reagan told the Religious Roundtable in Dallas, “I know you can’t endorse me, but I endorse you.” He won 67% of white evangelical voters. The Republican Party’s alliance with organized Christian conservatism became permanent.
1989: Pat Robertson, after losing the 1988 presidential primary, channeled his donor list into the Christian Coalition. Under Ralph Reed, it built precinct-level organizing in all 50 states and became the most powerful grassroots force in Republican politics through the 1990s.
2001: George W. Bush created the White House Office of Faith-Based and Community Initiatives, opening federal funding streams to religious organizations. The office shifted the boundary between government and religion from separation to partnership.
2010: The Tea Party wave elected 87 new House members. Economic populism merged with cultural conservatism at the state level, creating the legislative infrastructure that Project Blitz would later use to push model bills.
2016: Donald Trump won 81% of white evangelical voters, the highest share ever recorded. Prosperity gospel pastor Lance Wallnau had framed Trump as a “King Cyrus” figure — a flawed leader chosen by God to advance a divine agenda. The framing gave evangelical leaders theological permission to support a candidate whose personal behavior contradicted their stated values.
2021: On January 6, rioters at the U.S. Capitol carried wooden crosses, waved Christian flags, and prayed inside the Senate chamber on camera. Researchers at the Public Religion Research Institute found that Christian nationalism was the single strongest predictor of support for the attack, stronger than partisan identity or media consumption.
2024: The Heritage Foundation published Project 2025, a 900-page policy blueprint assembled by more than 140 authors. It called for closing the Department of Education and widening religious exemptions in federal hiring. Its through-line is using executive power to build religious priorities into every agency.
$390 Million per Year Funds the Network
The movement’s legal and political infrastructure costs roughly $390 million per year to operate. That money flows from a small number of foundations and donors through legal organizations that litigate in courts, draft model bills for state legislatures, and staff federal appointments.
- Donor-advised fund National Christian Foundation $3.3B in FY2024. 6th largest U.S. nonprofit. ↓ $56.1M to 23 SPLC-designated hate groups
- Litigation arm Alliance Defending Freedom $119.8M in FY2025. SPLC-designated hate group. ↓ Files cases targeting
- Judicial system Federal and state courts 15 SCOTUS wins. 74+ total favorable decisions. ↓ Rulings reshape
- Outcome Religious liberty doctrine Lemon Test killed. Public prayer restored. Right to refuse LGBTQ customers.
Source: IRS 990 filings, SPLC, ADF annual reports
How $390M per year becomes law: National Christian Foundation ($3.3B in FY2024. 6th largest U.S. nonprofit.) — $56.1M to 23 SPLC-designated hate groups — Alliance Defending Freedom ($119.8M in FY2025. SPLC-designated hate group.) — Files cases targeting — Federal and state courts (15 SCOTUS wins. 74+ total favorable decisions.) — Rulings reshape — Religious liberty doctrine (Lemon Test killed. Public prayer restored. Right to refuse LGBTQ customers.)
The National Christian Foundation is the largest single source. It operates as a donor-advised fund, meaning individual donors give to NCF, which then distributes to recipient organizations. The donor’s name never appears on the recipient’s tax filings. SPLC documented that NCF distributed $56.1 million to 23 organizations the SPLC designates as hate groups.
The Heritage Foundation reported $133.8 million in revenue in FY2024 and produced Project 2025, the 900-page blueprint for reshaping the federal government that includes ending the separation of church and state as a governing principle.
Three organizations account for the majority of the movement’s legal and policy spending.
| Category | Value |
|---|---|
| Heritage Foundation ($133.8M) | $M133.8 |
| Alliance Defending Freedom ($119.8M) | $M119.8 |
| National Christian Foundation ($3.3B total grants) | $M56.1 |
Heritage and ADF: annual revenue. NCF: grants to SPLC-designated hate groups only (total giving is $3.3B). Sources: IRS 990 filings, SPLC.
How ADF Reshaped the Courts
The legal arm of the movement has reshaped how courts interpret the First Amendment. Alliance Defending Freedom filed the cases. The Federalist Society staffed the bench. Together they replaced the legal standard that governed church-state separation for 51 years.
| Period | Value |
|---|---|
| 1971-2022 (Lemon Test) | 3-part test: secular purpose, primary effect, no entanglement |
| 2022-present (Kennedy v. Bremerton) | 'Historical practices and understandings' standard |
| Change | 51 years of precedent overturned |
The Lemon Test required government actions to have a secular purpose, not advance or inhibit religion, and avoid excessive entanglement with religion. In Kennedy v. Bremerton School District (2022), the Court threw it out. The new question is whether an action fits “historical practices and understandings.” That is a much lower bar, because American history is full of government-sponsored prayer.
ADF has won 15 Supreme Court cases and 74+ total favorable court decisions. In 303 Creative v. Elenis (2023), the Court ruled that a website designer could refuse to serve same-sex couples. Reporters later found that the client request that triggered the case was fabricated. The case moved forward anyway.
The Federalist Society built the bench these cases land on. Approximately 90% of Trump’s 277 judicial nominees came through the Federalist Society pipeline. Five or six of the nine current Supreme Court justices are members or have close ties. Six of nine are Catholic.
- Lemon Test established
- Greece v. Galloway upheld legislative prayer
- Kennedy kills Lemon Test
- 303 Creative
- TX Ten Commandments upheld
: 1971 — Lemon Test established (3-part test for church-state cases). 2014 — Greece v. Galloway upheld legislative prayer (Town board Christian prayers ruled constitutional). 2022 — Kennedy kills Lemon Test ("Historical practices" replaces it). 2023 — 303 Creative (Right to refuse LGBTQ customers). 2025 — TX Ten Commandments upheld (Classroom displays required).
Model Bills in 35 States
The legal strategy gets cases to court. A parallel legislative strategy pushes model bills into state legislatures. The most organized effort was Project Blitz, a campaign by the Congressional Prayer Caucus Foundation that produced 20 model bills designed to be introduced in every state.
Project Blitz organized its bills into three tiers, each designed to build on the last.
Project Blitz model legislation, organized by tier
| Tier | Strategy | Examples | Status |
|---|---|---|---|
| Tier 1: Symbols | Normalize Christian displays in public spaces | "In God We Trust" in schools, government buildings | 17-19 states passed display requirements |
| Tier 2: History | Embed Christian narratives in education | Bible literacy classes, religious history courses | Active in 12+ states |
| Tier 3: Privilege | Create legal exemptions based on religious belief | Adoption discrimination, medical refusal, anti-LGBTQ exemptions | 25-29 states passed RFRA laws |
Tier 1 bills are designed to seem uncontroversial. Who opposes “In God We Trust” on a wall? But the political scientists who studied the campaign documented its intent: each tier creates political cover for the next. Once a legislature votes to display “In God We Trust,” it is harder for members to vote against “religious freedom” in adoption or healthcare.
Texas is the clearest test case. Its law requires a Ten Commandments display in every public school classroom. A federal district judge blocked it in 2025, ruling that it crossed the line from exposure to coercion. The Fifth Circuit reversed that decision in April 2026, and the displays are going up. Louisiana and Arkansas passed similar laws that courts blocked. Alabama’s took effect.
Sources: state legislatures, Texas Tribune, ACLU
| State | Status | Detail |
|---|---|---|
| Texas | HB 1605 upheld by federal court, 2025 | Ten Commandments required in every public school classroom |
| Alabama | Law in effect | Ten Commandments displays required in public schools |
| Louisiana | HB 71 blocked by federal judge, December 2024 | Injunction prevents enforcement while litigation continues |
| Arkansas | Struck down by state court, April 2025 | Judge ruled law violated establishment clause |
| Alaska | No Ten Commandments classroom display law | No legislation requiring religious displays in public school classrooms |
| Arizona | No Ten Commandments classroom display law | No legislation requiring religious displays in public school classrooms |
| California | No Ten Commandments classroom display law | No legislation requiring religious displays in public school classrooms |
| Colorado | No Ten Commandments classroom display law | No legislation requiring religious displays in public school classrooms |
| Connecticut | No Ten Commandments classroom display law | No legislation requiring religious displays in public school classrooms |
| Delaware | No Ten Commandments classroom display law | No legislation requiring religious displays in public school classrooms |
| Florida | No Ten Commandments classroom display law | No legislation requiring religious displays in public school classrooms |
| Georgia | No Ten Commandments classroom display law | No legislation requiring religious displays in public school classrooms |
| Hawaii | No Ten Commandments classroom display law | No legislation requiring religious displays in public school classrooms |
| Idaho | No Ten Commandments classroom display law | No legislation requiring religious displays in public school classrooms |
| Illinois | No Ten Commandments classroom display law | No legislation requiring religious displays in public school classrooms |
| Indiana | No Ten Commandments classroom display law | No legislation requiring religious displays in public school classrooms |
| Iowa | No Ten Commandments classroom display law | No legislation requiring religious displays in public school classrooms |
| Kansas | No Ten Commandments classroom display law | No legislation requiring religious displays in public school classrooms |
| Kentucky | No Ten Commandments classroom display law | No legislation requiring religious displays in public school classrooms |
| Maine | No Ten Commandments classroom display law | No legislation requiring religious displays in public school classrooms |
| Maryland | No Ten Commandments classroom display law | No legislation requiring religious displays in public school classrooms |
| Massachusetts | No Ten Commandments classroom display law | No legislation requiring religious displays in public school classrooms |
| Michigan | No Ten Commandments classroom display law | No legislation requiring religious displays in public school classrooms |
| Minnesota | No Ten Commandments classroom display law | No legislation requiring religious displays in public school classrooms |
| Mississippi | No Ten Commandments classroom display law | No legislation requiring religious displays in public school classrooms |
| Missouri | No Ten Commandments classroom display law | No legislation requiring religious displays in public school classrooms |
| Montana | No Ten Commandments classroom display law | No legislation requiring religious displays in public school classrooms |
| Nebraska | No Ten Commandments classroom display law | No legislation requiring religious displays in public school classrooms |
| Nevada | No Ten Commandments classroom display law | No legislation requiring religious displays in public school classrooms |
| New Hampshire | No Ten Commandments classroom display law | No legislation requiring religious displays in public school classrooms |
| New Jersey | No Ten Commandments classroom display law | No legislation requiring religious displays in public school classrooms |
| New Mexico | No Ten Commandments classroom display law | No legislation requiring religious displays in public school classrooms |
| New York | No Ten Commandments classroom display law | No legislation requiring religious displays in public school classrooms |
| North Carolina | No Ten Commandments classroom display law | No legislation requiring religious displays in public school classrooms |
| North Dakota | No Ten Commandments classroom display law | No legislation requiring religious displays in public school classrooms |
| Ohio | No Ten Commandments classroom display law | No legislation requiring religious displays in public school classrooms |
| Oklahoma | No Ten Commandments classroom display law | No legislation requiring religious displays in public school classrooms |
| Oregon | No Ten Commandments classroom display law | No legislation requiring religious displays in public school classrooms |
| Pennsylvania | No Ten Commandments classroom display law | No legislation requiring religious displays in public school classrooms |
| Rhode Island | No Ten Commandments classroom display law | No legislation requiring religious displays in public school classrooms |
| South Carolina | No Ten Commandments classroom display law | No legislation requiring religious displays in public school classrooms |
| South Dakota | No Ten Commandments classroom display law | No legislation requiring religious displays in public school classrooms |
| Tennessee | No Ten Commandments classroom display law | No legislation requiring religious displays in public school classrooms |
| Utah | No Ten Commandments classroom display law | No legislation requiring religious displays in public school classrooms |
| Vermont | No Ten Commandments classroom display law | No legislation requiring religious displays in public school classrooms |
| Virginia | No Ten Commandments classroom display law | No legislation requiring religious displays in public school classrooms |
| Washington | No Ten Commandments classroom display law | No legislation requiring religious displays in public school classrooms |
| West Virginia | No Ten Commandments classroom display law | No legislation requiring religious displays in public school classrooms |
| Wisconsin | No Ten Commandments classroom display law | No legislation requiring religious displays in public school classrooms |
| Wyoming | No Ten Commandments classroom display law | No legislation requiring religious displays in public school classrooms |
| District of Columbia | No Ten Commandments classroom display law | No legislation requiring religious displays in public school classrooms |
School vouchers are the movement’s largest funding victory. The federal government is spending $5 billion per year through reconciliation on vouchers that flow to private schools, many of them religious institutions that can discriminate in admissions.
Nationally, voucher programs total $6.3 billion. Florida alone accounts for $3.9 billion.
Federal and State Actions, 2025-2026
Every piece described above operated outside the federal executive branch. In 2025, the movement gained direct access to executive power for the first time.
Executive Order 14202, “Eradicating Anti-Christian Bias,” was signed in February 2025. It directs every federal agency to identify and reverse policies that allegedly discriminate against Christians.
The order does not define anti-Christian bias. It gives political appointees the authority to change enforcement priorities across the entire federal government based on a religious framework.
The movement now has its highest-ranking public adherent. Speaker of the House Mike Johnson flies the Appeal to Heaven flag outside his Capitol office, a Revolutionary War banner adopted by the New Apostolic Reformation, the network that popularized the Seven Mountain Mandate. At the Faith and Freedom Coalition’s 2025 conference, Johnson credited God for his party’s congressional maps. He is second in the line of presidential succession.
The White House Faith Office expanded under Paula White-Cain, moving from a community liaison role to policy coordination. The president said publicly that America should “forget about” the separation of church and state. Vice President JD Vance told a Turning Point USA audience in December 2025, “We always will be a Christian nation.”
The proposed Religious Liberty Commission would be chaired by Texas Lt. Gov. Dan Patrick. The Texas Tribune has reported his description of church-state separation as “the biggest lie,” and his public embrace of the Christian nationalist label at a 2026 GOP convention. Patrick is the most senior elected official in the country to claim the term for himself.
The Department of Education issued updated prayer guidance in September 2025 that for the first time says teachers may pray with students, reversing 22 years of guidance that said teachers should not lead or encourage prayer. Military Times reported that the Pentagon began holding monthly prayer services in May 2025, including one led by Doug Wilson, a pastor who publicly identifies as a Christian nationalist. On May 17, 2026, the White House backed Rededicate 250, a prayer rally on the National Mall timed to the nation’s 250th anniversary.
850+ anti-LGBTQ bills were filed in state legislatures in 2025, most of them built on a religious freedom claim. 67 became law in 21 states, restricting healthcare, adoption, school policies, and public accommodations.
- 1
- executive order targeting "anti-Christian bias" across all agencies
- $5B/yr
- federal voucher spending via reconciliation to religious schools
- 850+
- anti-LGBTQ bills filed in 2025, 67 became law
Your Kid’s School, Your Neighbor’s Rights
The executive orders and court rulings are not abstract. They change what your children learn, which neighbors have legal protections, and who gets to claim taxpayer dollars.
In schools, the policies stack. Ten Commandments go on the wall. Chaplains replace trained counselors. Bible curriculum gets state funding. Vouchers redirect public money to religious schools that can reject students.
Texas approved chaplains as school counselor substitutes. Oklahoma ordered public schools to teach from the Bible and purchased 55,000 Bibles for classrooms.
6,870 book ban instances were recorded in the 2024-25 school year, most targeting LGBTQ content or sexual health education.
A Jewish student in a Texas classroom now sits under a Christian religious display mandated by state law. A Muslim family in Alabama faces the same. The Ten Commandments law does not include the Torah or the Quran.
For religious minorities, government endorsement of one faith tracks with violence against everyone else. Antisemitism is the clearest case. The ADL counted 1,938 antisemitic incidents in 2024, an all-time high and 70% of all religion-based hate crimes. Anti-Muslim incidents rose too, and the Sikh Coalition reported more harassment.
The pattern is not a coincidence. A country that treats one faith as the national default has, by definition, made everyone else a guest. Religious pluralism is the alternative, and it is what the First Amendment actually protects. Only one openly nonreligious person has ever served in Congress.
For LGBTQ Americans, religious freedom is now the legal frame for most anti-LGBTQ bills. 26 states banned youth gender-affirming care. 13 states allow religious adoption agencies to reject LGBTQ families while receiving taxpayer funding. The Supreme Court struck down Colorado’s conversion therapy ban in March 2026. See our anti-LGBTQ movement explainer for the full picture.
In reproductive rights, the merger of religion and law is explicit. Missouri’s abortion statute invokes “Almighty God” in its text. Five states introduced no-fault divorce restrictions between 2024 and 2026. Three states maintain covenant marriage laws. The religious reasoning is no longer subtext.
Hungary and Poland Tried This
The merger of religious or ethnic nationalism with government power is not unique to the United States. Four recent examples show both how far the strategy can go and where it breaks down.
Religious and ethno-nationalist governance in four countries
| Country | Leader / Party | Actions taken | Outcome |
|---|---|---|---|
| Hungary | Viktor Orban (Fidesz) | Constitutional Christianity clause, LGBTQ content banned, press freedom dropped from 23rd to 68th globally | Defeated April 2026 after 14 years in power |
| Poland | PiS (Law and Justice) | "LGBTQ-free zones" in 100+ municipalities, abortion near-total ban, judiciary packed | Lost power October 2023 after 8 years |
| Brazil | Evangelical caucus (Bancada) | 213 of 513 congressional seats, pushed anti-LGBTQ and anti-abortion legislation | Lula coalition governs; caucus remains influential |
| Russia | Putin + Russian Orthodox Church | Anti-LGBTQ "propaganda" law (2013), constitutional "God" amendment (2020) | Entrenched authoritarian state |
Hungary and Poland are the most instructive parallels. Both governments used Christian nationalist rhetoric to concentrate power, restrict minority rights, and weaken courts. Both lost elections after voters turned against overreach. Hungary’s press freedom ranking dropped 45 places over 14 years. Poland’s near-total abortion ban triggered the largest protests in the country’s post-communist history.
The pattern has limits. Concentrated religious-nationalist power triggers backlash from the majority of citizens who did not sign up for theocratic governance. The democratic path back is real, but it costs years of damage before voters reverse it. Hungary’s press freedom has not recovered. Poland’s abortion deaths cannot be undone.
What the Next Decade Looks Like
The biggest changes are already locked in, and they do not depend on the next election. Speaker Mike Johnson sets the House floor schedule, and Trump’s 277 federal judges serve for life. The Supreme Court’s replacement of the Lemon Test with “historical practices” applies to every future church-state case. These judges will be ruling in 2050.
The pending cases will extend the damage. Texas’s Ten Commandments law is heading to the Supreme Court. If upheld, every state with a Tier 1 Project Blitz bill on the books will have a template to mandate religious displays in classrooms. The next case will test whether public schools must allow proselytizing by outside groups during school hours. The case after that will test whether religious schools receiving voucher money can fire LGBTQ teachers.
Each ruling creates the precedent for the next. The ADF model is to litigate in carefully chosen circuits, build favorable precedent, and then bring the strongest case to the Supreme Court. They have 15 wins there already. Their pipeline does not stop.
At the state level, Project Blitz’s three-tier strategy is designed to escalate. States that passed Tier 1 bills (religious displays) are now considering Tier 2 (Bible curriculum) and Tier 3 (religious exemptions from civil rights law). The voucher expansion means more public money flowing to schools with no nondiscrimination requirements, year after year.
The federal voucher program alone will redirect $5 billion per year to private schools. Over a decade, that is $50 billion in public money flowing to institutions that can discriminate in admissions, hiring, and curriculum with no federal oversight.
50,000 Christians Signed Against It
The most effective opposition to Christian nationalism comes from Christians themselves. 50,000+ people across 72+ denominations have signed the Christians Against Christian Nationalism declaration, stating that “Christian nationalism provides cover for white supremacy and racial subjugation.”
Named critics within evangelical and conservative Christian circles have been among the most pointed voices.
“It is, in many ways, a liberation theology for white people.”
Russell Moore, former president of the Southern Baptist Ethics and Religious Liberty Commission, describing Christian nationalism
Moore left the Southern Baptist Convention in June 2021 after leaked letters revealed that SBC leaders had suppressed sexual abuse investigations and that he faced retaliation for opposing the denomination’s alliance with political nationalism.
David French, a conservative Christian writer and former religious liberty litigator, called Christian nationalism “a blueprint for corruption, brutality, and oppression”. Kristin Kobes Du Mez documented in Jesus and John Wayne how white evangelical masculinity culture created the political conditions for the movement’s rise.
The denominational opposition is broad. The Episcopal Church passed a 2024 resolution to “Combat Rising Religious Nationalism”. The ELCA adopted a 2025 Social Statement on Civic Life and Faith.
The United Methodist Church, PCUSA, Disciples of Christ, and Mennonite Church USA have all issued formal statements opposing Christian nationalism. Multiple denominations confessed their own complicity in enabling the movement.
Organizations fighting this
These organizations work on church-state separation from different angles. Supporting any of them puts resources behind the legal, educational, and organizing work that counters the movement.
- Baptist Joint Committee for Religious Liberty runs Christians Against Christian Nationalism and the Faith Freedom Fund, which provides legal help to people whose religious freedom is violated by government-imposed Christianity. They organize church-based study groups for congregations that want to understand and counter the ideology from within their own communities.
- Americans United for Separation of Church and State litigates church-state cases and tracks Project Blitz legislation state by state. Their Project Blitz tracker identifies which model bills are active in your state.
- Freedom From Religion Foundation files lawsuits challenging government-sponsored religion and operates a legal hotline for people who encounter religious coercion in schools or government.
- ADL (Anti-Defamation League) tracks hate incidents against religious minorities and publishes the annual audit of antisemitic incidents.
- ACLU challenges Ten Commandments laws, voucher programs, and religious exemptions that override civil rights protections.
Faith vs. Nationalism
Christian nationalism is not Christianity. Confusing the two helps the movement and harms people of faith who reject its politics.
- Personal faith is not Christian nationalism. Attending church, praying, reading the Bible, and believing in God have nothing to do with the political ideology. Most American Christians do not support Christian nationalism.
- Patriotism is not Christian nationalism. Loving your country does not require merging government with a particular religion. The Founders wrote the Establishment Clause specifically to prevent that merger.
- The more devout Christians are, the less likely they are to support Christian nationalism. Whitehead and Perry found an inverse correlation between church attendance, personal prayer, and theological knowledge on one hand and support for Christian nationalism on the other. The ideology appeals to cultural identity, not theological depth.
- The 32% who support Christian nationalism are not a monolith. PRRI distinguishes between Adherents (11%) and Sympathizers (21%). Adherents hold strong views. Many Sympathizers express general agreement that America should be a “Christian nation” but do not endorse specific policies or political violence.
- Christian nationalism harms Christians too. When a political movement wraps itself in Christian language and then pursues corruption, exclusion, and authoritarianism, it damages the credibility of the faith it claims to represent. Russell Moore’s departure from the Southern Baptist Convention was driven in part by this concern.
| Category | Value |
|---|---|
| Adherents (11% of pop.) | 38% |
| Sympathizers (21%) | 28% |
| Skeptics (37%) | 15% |
| Rejecters (27%) | 7% |
% agreeing 'true American patriots may have to resort to violence.' Source: PRRI 2025 (n=22,111)
The violence correlation is the clearest data point separating cultural Christian identity from Christian nationalism as a political movement. 38% of Adherents endorse political violence. 7% of Rejecters do. The gap separates cultural Christian identity from a political ideology that claims divine authorization for its agenda.
How to Recognize It and What to Say
Christian nationalism rarely announces itself. It uses language that sounds patriotic or faith-affirming while advancing a specific political agenda. Knowing the phrases helps you recognize the ideology when you encounter it at a school board meeting, a family dinner, or in a political speech.
The phrases and what they mean
Common Christian nationalist rhetoric and what it advances
| When someone says | What the phrase advances | A factual response |
|---|---|---|
| "America was founded as a Christian nation" | The claim that Christianity should have legal privilege | The Constitution does not mention God. The Treaty of Tripoli (1797) says the U.S. "is not, in any sense, founded on the Christian religion" |
| "We need to put God back in schools" | Government-sponsored religious observance in public schools | Students can already pray. The issue is whether the government directs it. The First Amendment protects both. |
| "Religious freedom" (used to justify discrimination) | Legal exemptions from civil rights protections | Religious freedom protects your right to worship. It does not include the right to deny someone else a public service. |
| "Judeo-Christian values" | Christian cultural dominance framed as shared heritage | 14% of Americans are religiously unaffiliated. 6% hold non-Christian faiths. The law serves all of them. |
| "Restoring Christendom" / "taking the nation back" | A lost Christian order that must be reclaimed by force of law | The country was never a Christendom. The First Amendment was written to prevent one. |
| "The church should lead the nation" | Seven Mountain Mandate theology applied to government | Roger Williams, the Baptist founder of Rhode Island, called this "forced worship" and said it "stinks in God's nostrils" |
Having the conversation
Most people who express sympathy for Christian nationalism are not extremists. PRRI found that 21% of Americans are Sympathizers who agree generally that America should be “Christian” but do not endorse specific policies like Ten Commandments mandates or political violence. The conversation is different depending on who you are talking to.
With a Sympathizer (someone who agrees “America is a Christian nation” but has not thought deeply about the policy implications):
- Ask what they mean specifically. “Do you mean the values, or do you mean the government should make laws based on the Bible?” Most Sympathizers mean the values.
- Share the inverse correlation. The most devout Christians are the least likely to support Christian nationalism. The movement is driven by cultural identity, not theological depth.
- Name a specific policy. “Did you know Texas requires the Ten Commandments in every classroom? Do you want the government deciding which religion your kids see on the wall?”
With an Adherent (someone who openly endorses Christian governance):
- Do not debate theology. Adherents have a theological framework that reinforces itself. Engage on the practical outcomes.
- Name the money. “Alliance Defending Freedom spent $119.8 million last year and was designated a hate group by the SPLC. Is that where your faith leads?”
- Name the harm. “1,938 anti-Jewish incidents in 2024, an all-time record. When the government says one religion is special, violence against every other one goes up.”
With a family member:
- Start with shared values. “We both believe in freedom of religion. The question is whether the government should pick which religion.”
- Ask questions instead of making arguments. “If a Muslim majority passed laws requiring Quran verses in every classroom, would you support that?” The principle is the same.
- Send them the PRRI data. Numbers from a nonpartisan research institute land differently than political arguments.
Frequently asked questions
Is the United States a Christian nation? No. The Constitution does not mention God or Christianity. The First Amendment prohibits government establishment of religion. The Treaty of Tripoli settles it plainly. President John Adams signed it in 1797 and the Senate ratified it without a single no vote. Its text says the government “is not, in any sense, founded on the Christian religion.” The Founders included devout Christians, Deists, and skeptics. They kept religion out of the governing document on purpose.
Is Christian nationalism biblical? Many theologians argue it is not. The New Testament records Jesus saying “my kingdom is not of this world” (John 18:36) and distinguishing between religious and civic obligations (“render unto Caesar”). Baptist theology was built on the separation of church and state. Roger Williams founded Rhode Island in 1636 to keep government out of religious freedom. The 50,000+ signatories of the Christians Against Christian Nationalism declaration represent a broad theological consensus that the ideology distorts the faith.
What is the Seven Mountain Mandate? A framework from 1975 that teaches Christians must take dominion over seven areas of society. The seven are government, education, media, arts, business, family, and religion. It is the theology that turns faith into a bid for power in every institution, and 66% of Adherents agree with it.
What is the difference between Christianity and Christian nationalism? Christianity is a religion with diverse denominations, theologies, and political views. Christian nationalism is a political ideology that uses Christian identity and language to pursue government power. The PRRI survey found that the most devout Christians are the least likely to support Christian nationalism. The movement is driven by cultural identity and political grievance, not theological commitment.
What you can do
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Tell your senators and representative to oppose Executive Order 14202 and block the Religious Liberty Commission. Name the order. Name the commission. Ask for a specific vote against using executive power to establish religious preference in federal agencies. Use the letter and call script below.
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Demand nondiscrimination requirements for voucher schools. $5 billion per year in taxpayer money flows to private schools that can reject students and fire teachers based on religion. Contact your representative and ask them to condition voucher funding on compliance with federal civil rights law.
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Show up at your school board. Ten Commandments displays, chaplain programs, and Bible curriculum proposals start at the local level. Check your district’s board agenda. When these items appear, attend the meeting, speak during public comment, and bring neighbors. Five people in a room carry more weight than 500 emails.
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Donate to or volunteer with organizations fighting this. The Baptist Joint Committee runs Christians Against Christian Nationalism and provides legal assistance to people facing government-imposed religion. Americans United tracks Project Blitz legislation in your state. The FFRF operates a legal hotline for anyone encountering religious coercion in schools or government. The ACLU challenges Ten Commandments laws, voucher programs, and religious exemptions.
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Track the money. Search your state legislators’ donors at FollowTheMoney.org. If ADF, Heritage Foundation, or CPCF affiliates are funding your representatives, you know which model bills are coming next.
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Vote in primary elections. Christian nationalist candidates win primaries because turnout is low. Only 21% of eligible voters participate in primary elections. That is where school board members, state legislators, and judges are chosen.
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Have the conversation. Use the PRRI data and the phrases table above. Most Sympathizers have not thought through the policy implications. A specific question (“Do you want the government deciding which religion your kids see?”) lands harder than a political argument.
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Write your representative about defending the separation of church and state. Use the letter below.